Litir ó Mheiriceá – Ní mór do Chomhdháil Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá (SAM) Gníomhú gan mhoill!

Letter from America — The United States Congress Must Act Without Delay!

Litir ó Mheiriceá - Ní mór do Chomhdháil Stáit Aontaithe Mheiriceá (SAM) Gníomhú gan mhoill!

The first air strikes by the U.S. and Israel, under the name Operation Epic Fury, began at 9:45 a.m. (Tehran time) on Saturday, February 28. In the first 24 hours of the campaign, the United States and Israel launched more than 1,400 munitions against 1,000 targets — the largest air campaign in the region since the invasion of Iraq in 2003.

The centerpiece of the first wave was a precision strike in the Pasteur Street area of Tehran, which killed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and 49 senior Iranian leaders, including the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces and top commanders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

An Urgent Threat?

On Monday, March 2, Secretary of State Marco Rubio claimed the strikes were a response to an “urgent threat” — defining “urgent” not as an immediate physical attack at that moment, but as a strategic imbalance that was rapidly deteriorating.

According to Rubio, Iran was attempting to reach a “point of immunity.” At that point, Tehran would be producing ballistic missiles at a rate that the U.S. could not match in terms of supplying its interceptor missiles. Consequently, Iran would be able to proceed with its nuclear program without fear of military retribution.

Regional Escalation

In the 72 hours following the initial air strikes, escalation emerged quickly. On March 2, Kuwaiti air defenses accidentally hit three U.S. F-15E Strike Eagle fighter jets flying in regional airspace with missiles. On the morning of Tuesday, March 3, drones believed to be from Iran struck the U.S. Embassy in Riyadh, sparking fires and triggering a global security alert. CENTCOM has confirmed that six members of the American armed services have been killed by Iranian missiles since the conflict began on February 28.

The civilian cost is even worse. On the first morning, a missile struck the Shajareh Tayyebeh girls' elementary school in Minab. According to the Red Crescent, up to 180 people were killed — most of them elementary school students. Videos from the scene showed rescuers removing bloodied textbooks and crayons from the rubble beneath a mural.

Interceptor Shortage and Cybersecurity Risks

While the government suggested the conflict could last for many weeks, critics say that sufficient munitions were not secured for a prolonged campaign. Senator Andy Kim warned that U.S. military bases in the Gulf could be besieged by large numbers of missiles unless Congress authorizes an emergency expansion of production.

At the same time, domestic cybersecurity is at risk. Due to sharp cuts in the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), it is more difficult to protect the U.S. Experts warn that Iran could carry out damaging attacks on the American power grid and water systems.

The War Powers Resolution

Marco Rubio claims he notified the Gang of Eight on the night of the attacks. But under the War Powers Resolution of 1973, the president must submit a formal written report to Congress within 48 hours of introducing forces into hostilities.

That deadline passed on the morning of Monday, March 2, without any formal report from the White House. Consequently, the government is in direct conflict with the law. Senator Kim stated that this is “the clearest violation of our Constitution I have ever seen.”

The Choice Before Congress

The U.S. is involved in an extremely dangerous conflict. Oil prices have risen significantly with the Strait of Hormuz closed. There is a strong chance the war could spread throughout the entire region.

Congress must assert its authority by:

  • Demanding a clear statement of objectives: What does “victory” look like in an Iran after Khamenei?
  • Controlling funding: Prevent military involvement without legislative renewal.
  • Holding a recorded vote: To put every member of the House and Senate on the public record regarding their position.

If Congress does not act now, it will cede vital constitutional power to the executive. This is a step toward an all-powerful presidency — the exact outcome the founders of the Constitution did their utmost to avoid.

 

Cuairt Thráthúil ar San Miguel de Allende

A Timely Visit to San Miguel de Allende

Reaching San Miguel de Allende (SMA) in Mexico is no effortless journey. We recently flew from Tijuana, just across the border from San Diego, to León in the central highlands. The flight took about three hours. Then we headed out on the road for another two hours by charter bus until we reached SMA.

We stayed in a house that was like a small museum, located a ten-minute walk from the center of town at the top of a steep hill. Ceremonial masks stared down at us from the walls, and a matador’s suit stood in a glass case in the corner. Woven tapestries and paintings hung on the walls, and painted-back chairs stood against them. We sat at a large oak table beneath a beautiful bóveda brick ceiling (a vaulted brick ceiling)—a ceiling once said to be the largest of its kind in Mexico.

Every morning we woke up immersed in the country’s craftsmanship. It was a perfect base for the week. The town is preserved in Spanish colonial form. Narrow streets. Many of them one-way. Cobblestones everywhere. We were glad we didn’t have a rental car. Driving is best left to the care of the locals. Uber was easy and inexpensive, but we only used it a few times, as the town center was close to us.

The parish church, Parroquia de San Miguel Arcángel, is located in the center of town. The parish was founded in the 16th century, though the current structure was largely rebuilt in the 1690s. In the 1880s, Zeferino Gutiérrez reshaped the façade into the pink neo-Gothic structure that now defines the town’s skyline. It is the heart of the town.

Beside it stands the clock tower. Every fifteen minutes, the bells ring. In the Jardín, the central plaza, the sound spreads across the square. After a day or two, you stop noticing it; it simply becomes part of the rhythm of life. In the evenings, we sat on benches in the plaza. The light turned the stone to a golden color tinged with rose-pink. Mariachi bands gathered to play their tunes. Local families wandered or rested under the shade trees. Children chased each other across the square.

San Miguel was founded in 1542. It prospered in the 18th century as it sat on the "silver route." The revolutionary leader Ignacio Allende was born here in 1769, and after independence, his name was appended to the town in his honor. Today, foreigners make up about a quarter of SMA's population, many of them American or Canadian. That tradition began after World War II, when U.S. veterans arrived to study, funded under the “GI Bill.” The infrastructure still reflects that influence: good schools, modern hospitals, language institutes, and excellent restaurants.

We ate in restaurants every evening. The prices were reasonable. Most of the customers were American or Canadian. We met several women who return year after year to escape the cold at home. They spoke warmly about the weather, the food, and the culture in San Miguel de Allende. During the Super Bowl, our restaurant was packed with locals. They were there to see Bad Bunny perform at the halftime show. During the show, they were entirely focused on the screen. As soon as the music ended, they left.

One day, we hired a driver to visit another town called Guanajuato—by accident, really. We had intended to go to Cañada de la Virgen, an archaeological site about an hour away by car. When we arrived, however, it was closed. We found out later that soldiers had been put in charge of the site due to a dispute between federal authorities and a local landowner. It was our first hint that there was tension beneath the surface, despite the calm that was felt.

The driver suggested we visit Guanajuato instead, and we agreed. That town looked completely different compared to San Miguel. 19th-century architecture. Traffic flowing through underground tunnels. Colorful houses stacked steeply on the hills.

We visited the birthplace of the famous artist Diego Rivera. There were early works and photographs in the museum, as well as material relating to his wife, Frida Kahlo. It felt personal and intimate.

Back in San Miguel on the final day, we spent time at Fábrica La Aurora, formerly a textile factory that now houses studios and galleries. The artists worked behind open doors. The creative energy of the town was palpable.

About a week after we returned home, a major story broke. Nemesio Rubén Oseguera Cervantes, known as “El Mencho,” leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, had been killed in a military operation. Retaliation followed in several cities. Armed men on motorbikes. Vehicles burned on highways. Supermarkets set on fire. Reports of violence in Puerto Vallarta, Guadalajara, Tijuana, León, and elsewhere.

We had flown through Tijuana. We had landed in León. As far as we know, there was no direct impact on SMA, but the peace was more fragile than we thought. We would like to return to that beautiful town again, but we will wait a while longer until things settle down again.

Deis na Seamróige!

Shamrock Opportunity!

In a few weeks, the Taoiseach will stand in the East Room of the White House. The bowl of shamrock will be presented. Cameras will click and flash. The familiar annual words about friendship and historic ties will be heard.

But behind that ceremony, a more serious question lies hidden.

More than €20 billion in corporate tax was collected in Ireland last year, much of it from a small number of multinational companies headquartered in the United States. It is therefore natural for Taoiseach Micheál Martin to be cautious in conversation with President Trump, since no one can predict the response if tensions were to arise. What should the Taoiseach do — remain silent, or speak honestly about our views?

To navigate an international landscape that is becoming more uncertain by the minute, it is worth looking to Canada and its Prime Minister, Mark Carney.

Carney is known internationally as the former Governor of the Bank of Canada and later of the Bank of England. He earned respect for his steadiness during periods of financial turmoil. His credibility rests on action rather than words.

Carney’s grandparents were from County Mayo. He holds Irish citizenship and frequently speaks publicly about that rich heritage.

There are structural similarities between Canada and Ireland. Both countries are deeply economically integrated with the United States. Both rely heavily on open trade with it, and both are vulnerable when the tone or direction of American policy shifts. Recently, that risk has become more visible and more significant.

Carney’s response has been measured. At Davos earlier this year, he outlined what might be called a “middle-power strategy.” He did not attack the United States. Instead, he argued that smaller countries strengthen themselves through coordination and cooperation with one another.

That principle was evident recently in the case of Greenland. When President Trump renewed his interest in acquiring Greenland, a semi-autonomous territory of the Kingdom of Denmark, Denmark and the government of Greenland responded clearly: the territory was not for sale nor open for negotiation. European Union leaders expressed support for Denmark, and NATO partners reaffirmed their security commitments in the Arctic. The tariff threats associated with the dispute were withdrawn, and the matter did not escalate into a broader crisis.

The episode demonstrated the strength of allies when they stand together.

Canada will continue to trade and cooperate with the United States while at the same time expanding its economic and strategic options. That is risk management. Diversification reduces vulnerability.

In Ireland, a significant portion of corporate tax revenue depends on a small number of companies based in the United States. Pharmaceutical and technology exports to America make up a substantial part of our trade balance. If there were a sudden shift in Washington’s policy, Ireland’s economy would be hit harder than that of many larger EU countries with more diversified revenue bases.

Ireland can maintain and strengthen its economic relationship with the United States while at the same time expanding trade and investment links elsewhere — independently and through the European Union. A broader trade base reduces the risk associated with policy changes in any single capital.

That brings us back to St. Patrick’s Day.

Year after year, proposals are put forward calling for a boycott of the White House visit. But it would not be wise to take that advice. Ireland has symbolic access in Washington that countries of similar size do not enjoy. That access is a significant opportunity.

In my view, the question is not whether the Taoiseach should attend Washington. The real question is how Micheál Martin will use that opportunity on St. Patrick’s Day.

The Taoiseach can calmly and clearly express Ireland’s commitment to cooperation based on international rules and predictable trade. He can articulate his position without jeopardizing the partnership. That is consistent with Ireland’s diplomatic tradition and aligned with many of its European partners.

Carney’s emphasis on diversification is appropriate for a world that is more uncertain than before. He offers a practical approach — not only for Canada, but for countries like Ireland navigating this new world without a map. All that remains now for Micheál Martin is to seize the opportunity on St. Patrick’s Day.

 

Casphointe!

Pivot Point!

Every so often, a major innovation creates a decisive turning point. In times like these, the world changes rapidly. Often, companies or countries focused on established technologies—the very ones that brought them extraordinary success in the first place—are left behind (in áit na leathphingine), while others are willing to embrace the new technology and push it forward aggressively. The consequences can be profound, reshaping markets, power structures, and even the world order.

This dynamic is discussed in Clayton Christensen’s landmark book, The Innovator’s Dilemma. Christensen showed that leaders fail not because of bad management, but due to a lack of strategic decision-making. They continue to invest in technologies that serve their existing customers and revenue streams, while casting aside new technologies as weak, dangerous, or unprofitable.

Initially, that assessment is often correct. New technologies are immature, expensive, and weaker than established ones. But over time, the balance shifts. The new technology improves rapidly, and the legacy technology reaches its physical limits. The profitability of the legacy system decreases just as the capability of the new technology increases. By the time established leaders realize what is happening, the gap is too large to fill. They are left with no choice but to be followers or, worse, to be rendered obsolete.

Identifying such a turn in advance is extremely difficult, however. Sometimes, the perceived disruptions are false alarms. A famous example is Betamax versus VHS in video recording. Betamax was widely considered technologically superior to VHS. Consequently, many analysts thought Betamax would win the battle. Instead, VHS gathered strength because that technology was cheaper, more flexible, and had stronger support from the industrial sector. Those who followed the seductive call of Betamax were wiped out.

Today, we are seeing major turning points in the fields of energy and artificial intelligence (AI), and in the combination of the two. For a long time, the United States of America (USA) held (and still holds) a dominant position in fossil fuels. The USA is currently the largest oil producer in the world, with massive reserves and an extensive economic ecosystem based on hydrocarbons. This position shaped the world order, from foreign policies to domestic infrastructure.

But that era is drawing to a close. The world's energy system is turning toward renewable energy rapidly. Solar energy is now cheaper than oil-generated power. It is cheaper to drive electric vehicles than petrol vehicles. But China is the primary driver of these changes. China has made massive investments in energy manufacturing, battery technology, and electric vehicles. It does not see these industries merely as commercial opportunities, but as strategic priorities.

The results are clear. Chinese companies now lead in solar panel production worldwide. They are ahead in battery manufacturing. And in the field of electric vehicles, China’s BYD has overtaken Tesla in terms of global market share. Instead of competing directly, the USA has adopted protectionist policies—for example, with high tariffs on Chinese vehicles. This might protect domestic manufacturers in the short term, but history shows that this is a poor long-term strategy.

The U.S. approach is even worse because fossil fuels are a central cause of climate change. Politics does not change physics. Although the debate continues, we can all see the climate change that is underway. Meanwhile, China continues to export renewable technologies and solidify its role as the primary provider of the energy systems of the future.

The danger for the USA is marginalization. As global adoption of renewable energy accelerates, countries will rely more on Chinese supply chains, standards, and expertise. If the USA delays too long, it will have to adopt these technologies from a place of weakness. In that case, not even Silicon Valley—the innovation engine of America and the world for so long—can be sure it will survive.

Recent events have shown that Chinese power is increasing rapidly. China's threat to restrict rare earth minerals, combined with its total dominance in clean energy research and development, forced the USA to retreat from its plans to impose 60% punitive tariffs on China. This strategic countermeasure demonstrated that Beijing’s control over intellectual property and the supply chains of the future was a more powerful weapon than Washington’s traditional economic sanctions.

A similar competition is taking place in the field of artificial intelligence. Here, the USA is still ahead in foundational models and software. But China is advancing rapidly. The combination of artificial intelligence and energy could also be decisive. Consider mobile AI systems like humanoid robots. They rely not only on software, but on hardware, manufacturing, and power systems as well (solar energy, batteries, etc.). China’s strength in these areas gives it a structural advantage. Reports that humanoid robots are already being used to patrol cities like Shenzhen show that this technology will have a major impact not only on commercial affairs, but on security and military affairs as well.

It is highly likely that we are on the edge of a new era. It is clear that the USA is heading in the wrong direction. The country’s regime threatens its allies in Canada and Europe and imposes tariffs on them at the same time as being very friendly with Putin's regime in Russia. A major political divide has also opened in the country, where democracy is under pressure from authoritarianism.

Because of these significant changes, Europe and Canada are strengthening their ties with China, India, and South America. This will change global trade and influence for decades to come, and the USA will be the worst affected. The danger is also that, without the leadership of the USA as the champion of democracy, the world order will slip toward authoritarian dominance. History shows that it is a long and violent path, full of oppression, instability, and a terrible human cost. A world shaped by authoritarian power is not a safe or predictable world.

We are late in the game, but it is never truly too late. The USA must rebuild alliances, make serious investments in the technology of the future, and restore trust in itself at home and abroad. We barely survived the nuclear age—through restraint, cooperation, and imperfect institutions. Artificial intelligence could be even more dangerous, especially in the hands of dictators who care only for their own benefit.

The turning point is near us now. How the people of the USA meet this challenge—that is the vital question for us all.

 

Ag seasamh ar mo dhá chos féin arís

Back on my own two feet again

Almost four months ago, I fell while hiking. I fractured my right ankle and leg and damaged the surrounding ligaments. I went home in a large boot to keep the leg immobilised, and onto crutches to keep weight off it. I can finally walk again. Recovery is near complete.

I learned a lot more than I ever expected about what it means to live with a disability.

Steps everywhere

Our house is built on a slope. There are steps outside and more inside. Once indoors, shallow steps separate rooms on the ground floor. The main bedroom is upstairs.

The doctor provided a mobility scooter, but it wasn’t of much use. It couldn’t manage steps, inside or out. It was only of use in the kitchen. I ended up using the crutches all the time.

I could manage the shallow steps between downstairs rooms, but the stairs to the first floor were too dangerous. Because of that, I moved into the guest bedroom downstairs. It was one of many compromises I had to make.

Not allowed to drive

I wasn’t allowed to drive for the first three months. I depended entirely on my wife to get out of the house. I didn’t understand until then how key a car is nowadays.

Even with someone else at the wheel, new problems appeared. Parking was the biggest. I couldn’t go far on crutches, so it was necessary to park close to the door. We applied for and received a temporary disabled parking pass.

Disabled spaces are wider, and there’s a reason for that. You have to open the door fully, swing both legs out, steady yourself, and get the crutches positioned before you stand. Standard spaces don’t allow for that. They don’t have enough space.

What we also learned was how few disabled spaces there are. They were often all taken. When that happened, my wife would drop me at the entrance and go to park. When leaving, she would fetch the car and bring it back to me again.

Doors and ramps

Automatic doors were a blessing. Manual doors were a problem, especially heavy ones that seemed determined to close on you. It was almost impossible to open them while keeping your balance on the crutches, then then keeping them open enough to get through. Often, strangers would come to my assistance.

Steps without ramps were another challenge. I could manage the steps when necessary, but I was not comfortable using them.

People make the difference

One time, we attended a music event in the district. Staff allowed me to enter early. Accessible seating and a table were ready for me, with a clear view of the band. It was handled quietly and well, without any fuss.

Before that concert, there was a queue outside. A man at the front told my wife that I’d be fine waiting like everyone else. She checked with staff. We were allowed in. The man wasn’t pleased. He had no understanding how uncomfortable it was to stand on one foot with crutches for any length of time. And he didn’t ask either.

Begrudgers are part of the landscape. You learn to live with them.

Seeing the world differently

What surprised me most was how quickly your perspective shifts. You start to notice kerbs, steps and doors. You notice which places are easy to enter, and which are not.

You begin to see the world as something designed for a particular body, moving at a particular pace. And you realise that body isn’t always yours.

When we are not disabled, we expect easy access everywhere. When we don’t have it, we are unhappy. When other people don’t have it, we rarely notice.

My injury fell into just one category: mobility disability. In the United States, fourteen broad categories of disability are recognised, ranging from sensory or cognitive disability to neurological and mental health conditions. It was enough for me to experience just one, even temporarily, in order to understand how layered and complex the issue is.

In Ireland, the legal framework around disability is extensive. It covers access to public buildings and services, education, employment, Irish Sign Language, and digital accessibility under EU law. It helps, though experience on the ground still definitely varies.

I didn’t travel by public transport or by air during those months, but I could easily imagine how important support is in those settings. How essential it is to be seen not as a problem to be managed, but as a person moving through the world in a different way and at a different pace.

Conclusion

I learned other things too. I learned how many people are quietly helpful. How often support comes without being asked. I learned to slow down. You can’t rush anywhere on crutches.

Around a quarter of the population lives with some form of disability. Many more of us will, temporarily or permanently, at some point in their lives.

We are lucky when we are able-bodied. But the measure of a society is how it treats all its members, including those who have different needs than ours.

The biggest lesson that stuck with me was this: It is worth our while making the effort to serve the needs of everyone, not just the needs of the able-bodied.

 

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