Intleacht Shaorga (IS) – Níl againn ach Seans Amháin

Artificial Intelligence (AI) - We Have Only One Chance

 

AI is with us now.

It is in hospitals, classrooms, banks, newsrooms, phones, cars, courts, weapons systems and children’s homework. It writes code, reads medical images, drafts letters, translates languages, creates images, summarizes reports and answers questions with expert confidence. AI is like the genie of the lamp: we give it a command and it does it.

AI can help detect diseases earlier, design new drugs and provide personal tutoring. It can help artists and writers, although it can also harm them.

There is a major problem, however. AI is being introduced into every part of society before we fully understand the dangers associated with it.

Geoffrey Hinton

Geoffrey Hinton is well worth listening to on this subject. He helped create AI. His pioneering work on neural networks and deep learning was an important step in the development of modern AI. He shared the Turing Award in 2018 and won the Nobel Prize in Physics in 2024.

For many years, Hinton worked on an idea that many people in computing had set aside. In the earlier forms of AI, people wrote code for the computer. Hinton believed there was a better way: to let the computer learn from examples and adjust its own behavior.

In the 1980s, artificial neural networks were not popular. They needed too much data and computing power. Despite that, Hinton continued the work on models such as the Boltzmann machine and helped develop the backpropagation algorithm, which allows neural networks to improve by correcting their own mistakes.

Finally, in 2012, the decisive turn came. AlexNet won the ImageNet challenge, a competition in which computers have to recognize images. AlexNet software, designed by Hinton’s students Alex Krizhevsky and Ilya Sutskever, was far ahead. It had an error rate of 15.3 percent, compared with 26.2 percent for the next competitor. That was the beginning of the deep learning revolution.

Hinton spent his life working on this kind of AI because he believed in it. It took a long time to develop, but he proved he was right. When he was 65, he took a job leading a Google AI research team in Toronto. When he left Google ten years later, having accomplished a great deal himself and with his team in the field of AI, he changed his mission.

“My life’s calling now,” he said, “is to warn people about the dangers of AI.” In his Nobel Prize banquet speech, Hinton said that AI could increase productivity in almost every industry. But he attached a condition to that: the benefits must be shared fairly in society. If that does not happen, AI can concentrate wealth in the hands of a few people, destroy jobs, spread propaganda and weaken democracy.

There are five main areas in his warnings.

Work and Dignity

If one worker with AI can do the work of ten people, what will happen to the other nine? The International Monetary Fund estimates that AI could affect almost 40 percent of jobs worldwide, and about 60 percent in developed countries. Hinton puts the human cost plainly: “For a lot of people, their dignity is tied up with their job.”

Without serious planning, AI could erode jobs and social roles. Every country must put a plan together to deal with those major changes and support people who might lose jobs because of AI. For example, employment schemes may need to be put in place, and everyone may need to receive a universal basic income in the future.

Truth

AI can create fake images, fake voices and fake videos. It is becoming harder to distinguish between truth and lies. That gives powerful propaganda tools to bad people and hostile governments that want to influence the public. Democracy cannot survive unless citizens can recognize the truth most of the time.

We need clear ways to distinguish between AI-generated content and content created by people. AI must be regulated, and clear protections must be put in place for our own sake.

Crime

A fraudster no longer needs good English to send a convincing email. AI can write it, translate it and give it a local flavor. A fraudster can make a phone call to grandparents with a voice clone and pretend to be a grandchild in trouble. Or a scammer can send people a fake invoice.

Fraud with the help of AI is already a profitable business. Banks, hospitals, schools and local authorities need stronger authentication. We should no longer trust a voice alone. And ordinary people must follow a simple rule: always confirm through another channel.

War and State Power

In his Nobel speech, Hinton warned about lethal weapons that decide autonomously who will be killed or injured. A machine should never make the final decision about killing a person. There is already serious concern that AI is being used to identify targets in wars.

Authoritarian governments can use AI to identify faces, track citizens, censor speech and intimidate opponents. In the hands of a dictator, it is a powerful tool for keeping the public under control.

International regulation and international treaties are needed. International law should prevent AI from making the final decision about the use of lethal force. Democratic governments should strictly limit AI surveillance and place restrictions on the export of that technology.

Artificial Intelligence in Charge?

This is Hinton’s deepest fear. Not only that bad people will use AI, but that AI systems themselves could develop goals and behavior that we cannot control, and that would not be in our interests.

In his Nobel speech, he put it plainly: “We have no idea whether we can stay in control.” Can we build AI systems that do not conflict with the interests of the human race? Can we make changes to correct them if necessary? Can we shut down an AI system if necessary? Can we force an AI system to tell the truth about what it knows and what it does not know? The answer to each of those questions must be yes. But we still do not have certain answers, and we have no clear protection against hostile AI.

No frontier AI system should be released at large scale without independent safety testing first. The most powerful models should be licensed and inspected, and they should be monitored. Companies should have legal responsibility for reckless deployment. Governments should also fund safety research in the public interest.

Conclusion

Some technologies can be corrected after the harm begins. A faulty bridge can be repaired. A dangerous drug can be withdrawn. A faulty car can be recalled from the market.

But we do not know whether we would be able to repair or withdraw an AI system if there were a problem with it. That is a very serious risk, because AI is woven into finance, war, infrastructure, energy, media and government.

The main danger is that we will lose control of AI. We must do everything we can to prevent that.

We have only one chance to get this right. That work must begin without further delay.

 

Gníomhartha in ionad na Cainte – 2

Actions Instead of Words - 2

 

In the last article, we showed the gap between public demand for Irish-medium education and the State's response.

The Government needs a comprehensive revival plan, with clear targets that are measurable and time-bound, with proper funding, and with political consequences if those targets are not met. The current framework does not yet satisfy that test.

Legal Right to Irish-Medium Education

The State should have a legal duty to provide Irish-medium education where there is clear demand.

Currently, parents and local campaigners are forced to fight school by school, town by town, county by county. They must grapple with the Department of Education's arguments about population projections, funding constraints, and demographic formulas.

But it should be the State's responsibility in the first place, to provide the necessary resources to meet the demand for Irish-medium education across the country.

But it should be the State's responsibility in the first place, to provide the necessary resources to meet the demand for Irish-medium education across the country.

Targets

Under the National Plan for Irish Language Public Services, the State is working toward the target that 20 percent of new recruits in the public sector will be competent in Irish by December 31, 2030. The plan is designed to increase the number and quality of public services available through Irish.

As we stated in the last article, an educational target is needed as a foundation for that goal. Otherwise, where will the Irish-speaking civil servants come from?

The Government should set national targets for Irish-medium education at pre-schools, primary schools, secondary schools, and universities. Those targets should be measured, published, and submitted to the Oireachtas every year.

The Welsh Government's Cymraeg 2050 program includes targets for education through Welsh, including an interim milestone that 30 percent of children in Year 1 will be in Welsh-medium education by 2031. It also includes actions such as the Welsh Language and Education Bill, a 10-year plan to increase the number of teachers capable of teaching through Welsh, and supports for the use of Welsh between the school, the family, the community, and the workplace.

Cymraeg 2050 provides a practical template.

Priority for Teachers

No language revival succeeds without teachers being central to the process.

Ireland cannot expand Irish-medium education if schools cannot recruit qualified teachers with strong Irish. New Gaelcholáistí cannot be opened without Irish teachers. A proper system for the public service cannot be built if there are staff shortages in the education system itself.

Wales has a ten-year plan to develop enough teachers fluent in Welsh as part of Cymraeg 2050. Ireland needs a similar practical system.

That means scholarships for trainee Irish teachers. It means supporting Irish teachers to upskill. It means giving incentives to teachers in math, science, technology, and special education to teach through Irish. It means supporting teachers in Dublin and other expensive areas where housing issues make it much more difficult to recruit teachers.

The supply of teachers is the engine that will drive any language revival forward.

Continuity from Pre-school Onward

The Irish-medium process starts before primary school. It must continue through primary school, through secondary school, through third level, and into professional life.

That means more Naíonraí. More Gaelscoileanna. More Gaelcholáistí. More third-level courses through Irish. More supports for teachers, nurses, planners, Gardaí, civil servants, health workers, and social workers.

Canada's Action Plan 2023-2028 for Official Languages goes much further than education alone. It protects and promotes minority languages in the workplace and in the community, and supports the equality of the two official languages, French and English.

We should have a similarly comprehensive language plan, a plan that does not just relate to education, but that supports the use of Irish in the workplace, in public services, and in community life.

The Central Role of Local Authorities

Although the central government lays down national policies, it is at the local authority level that these policies succeed or fail.

County councils should have a duty to measure the demand for Irish-medium education in their areas. Every local authority should know where parents are seeking places for their children, where there are gaps in the education system, and where new workers will be needed to provide public services through Irish.

Responsibility in this area lies with the Department of Rural and Community Development and the Gaeltacht, supported by agencies such as Údarás na Gaeltachta and Foras na Gaeilge. But a stronger cross-Departmental mandate from the State is also required, along with a ring-fenced budget for the language revival, and the publication of an annual report on progress toward these targets.

A duty should also be placed on every public body to show how it will support education, recruitment, and services through Irish.

Political Pressure

The Irish language movement already exists. Conradh na Gaeilge has more than 200 branches and describes itself as an all-island organization working on behalf of Irish speakers and Gaeltacht communities. An Dream Dearg has shown how a clear campaign based on language rights can bring the Irish language into the heart of the political debate.

In the North, An Dream Dearg helped turn language rights into a highly visible public campaign. It used clear demands, public mobilization, legal arguments, and political pressure. More than 12,000 people marched in Belfast in 2017 for an Irish Language Act. In 2022, more than 17,000 took part in An Lá Dearg after further delays in implementing Irish language legislation in the North.

The campaign did not get everything it was originally looking for, but it helped push real change forward. The Identity and Language (Northern Ireland) Act 2022 gave formal legal recognition to Irish in the North, created the role of the Irish Language Commissioner, and put important language protections into law. After many years of delay, the first Irish Language Commissioner was appointed in 2025.

Now, the same pressure is needed here regarding a complete revival plan for Irish: a legal right to Irish-medium education anywhere there is demand, strong national targets, proper funding for teacher training, more public services through Irish, supports in the workplace and the community, and the publication of an annual report.

Every candidate should be asked what their stance is regarding the Irish language. Every political party should be asked what its strategy is regarding the funding of the language. And every government should be judged by its actions, not by its speeches.

Ultimately, our votes should depend on those answers.

We know what needs to be done. Now it is time for us all to do it.

 

Gníomhartha in ionad na Cainte – 1

Actions Instead of Words - 1






On May 14, 2026, the Oireachtas Education Committee heard two different versions of the state of Irish-medium education in Ireland.

Minister for Education Hildegarde Naughton cited over €500 million spent on building projects for Irish-medium schools since 2020. She reaffirmed the Government’s commitment to expanding opportunities for children to receive an education through Irish.

Then, representatives from Conradh na Gaeilge, Gaeloideachas, An Foras Pátrúnachta, and the lobby group Imeasc spoke.

They described a system struggling with a continuous lack of supply, political reluctance, and official complacency.

Julian de Spáinn - General Secretary of Conradh na Gaeilge, the national organization that promotes the Irish language - used words like “emergency,” “crisis,” “critical situation,” and “pretense” to describe the state of Irish in the education system. He said the Department or the Minister would never give such an honest description, even though the facts are clearly visible.

Lack of Schools

There are not enough Irish-medium schools in the country. It is a language crisis, because the government has never treated the problem as a matter of urgency.

This failure is even more obvious when compared to the Government's own commitments. The previous Programme for Government promised to attempt to double the number of young people in Irish-medium schools and to provide Gaelscoileanna and Gaelcholáistí anywhere there was significant demand. Conradh na Gaeilge told the committee that the number of students in Irish-medium schools outside the Gaeltacht fell from 48,518 in 2019/20 to 46,933 in 2023/24.

At primary level, the evidence has been visible for years. Gaelscoileanna are overcrowded in much of the country. Parents are on waiting lists because there are not enough places. According to Conradh na Gaeilge, only 6.7 percent of primary school pupils outside the Gaeltacht attend Irish-medium primary schools. At the second level, that figure is just 2.6 percent.

Conradh na Gaeilge cited independent surveys showing that 49 percent of people would choose an Irish-medium education if it were available in their own area. In another survey, 78 percent said every child should have the opportunity to get an Irish-medium education if that is their choice. Another 73 percent said every child who receives primary education through Irish should have the opportunity to continue it at the second level. But Irish-medium education is treated as a marginal sector, rather than being a core part of the country's educational infrastructure.

Unfortunately, the situation gets even worse at secondary school level.

Thousands of children finish their primary education through Irish with no Gaelcholáiste available to them. According to the figures put before the committee, around 3,000 students every year are effectively prevented from being able to continue their education through Irish due to a lack of appropriate supply at the second level. Thirteen counties are still without even one Irish-medium secondary school.

Lack of Planning

Despite this, the Department of Education has indicated that it has no plans to establish any new Irish-medium secondary school between 2026 and 2031 outside areas of demographic growth. This position contradicts the will of the public.

The broader system is failing too.

Conradh na Gaeilge told the committee that more than 60,000 secondary school students have exemptions from Irish. In 2025, 24 percent of Leaving Certificate students did not sit any Irish exam. That was the fourth consecutive year that more than one in five avoided Irish in the Leaving Cert. At Junior Cycle level, 20 percent of students did not take an Irish exam, even though almost everyone sat English, math, and history.

The contrast becomes even sharper when this situation is put in the context of the Official Languages (Amendment) Act 2021. Under that legislation, the State has a target that 20 percent of new public service recruits will be proficient in Irish by the year 2030. The legislation places stronger duties on the government regarding the provision of public services through Irish, especially in the Gaeltacht areas.

Teachers, nurses, Gardaí, and civil servants do not become fluent in Irish without a proper education system.

That process starts at the pre-school level. It continues through primary school and secondary school. It depends on opportunities at third level. A clear long-term plan is essential.

No such plan exists at present. Instead, many children have no access to Irish-medium education at all. And for many of those who do get that opportunity, it is lost halfway through their education.

At the third level, the same pattern continues. Important work is underway in institutions like University of Galway and Maynooth University, but education through Irish is still limited in a large number of professional disciplines.

On the one hand, the State has passed legislation to create civil servants with Irish. On the other hand, it has failed to provide the necessary educational supports to fulfill that duty.

Wales — a role model

Wales has a smaller population than Ireland, and furthermore, it is part of a (larger) state where English is dominant. But about a quarter of Welsh schools operate through Welsh, a much higher percentage than Irish-medium schools in Ireland.

More importantly still, the Welsh Government has adopted clear national targets linked to legislation, teacher recruitment, and long-term educational planning. Their goal is to increase education through Welsh from 23 percent to 40 percent by 2050. In 2022, the Welsh Government announced 23 new Welsh schools and an expansion of the language's use in 25 other schools as part of that approach.

Northern Ireland – Overcoming the Difficulties

Northern Ireland provides an even more striking comparison.

Irish-medium education operates there in a much more difficult political environment. There is still strong opposition from some unionist and loyalist politicians. The language is frequently dragged into broader culture wars.

Despite that, the number of students in Irish-medium education in Northern Ireland has been increasing steadily over the last twenty years. Even within a divided political system, legal duties have been placed on authorities to encourage and facilitate Irish-medium education.

If progress is possible there, despite those political difficulties, it is hard to accept our own government's excuses anymore.

For many years, governments have been quite happy to pay lip service to the plight of the language, without suiting their actions to their words.

Therefore, the citizens of the country must put real political pressure on the Government to implement the will of the public.

In the next article, we will examine the steps that are necessary now.

 

Athmhúintear an Ceacht…

The Lesson Repeats…

Our garage is also a small gym and a small office. You can enter it from the house through its own door. It has its own key, but I had never had any reason to lock it.

When a few families with young children came to visit recently, I locked the garage door for the first time, so that no child would go in there by accident.

During the visit, I had to go in and out of the garage a few times to get things that were there. After everyone had left, I tried to go back in to return a few things.

I could not find my keys.

There is a good chance I left the keys inside on my last trip into the garage and closed the door behind me. I could not find a spare key, though I had one. Then it occurred to me that the spare key was inside the garage, which was now locked.

Then I realized how important the garage was in my daily life. That is where I write. That is where I practise guitar. That is where I exercise. It is not elegant or impressive, but it had become a large part of my daily routine.

In the end, I called a locksmith. Fortunately, he was able to open the door without removing the lock and putting a new one in its place. And yes, my keys were sitting there on the desk.

Before he left, I asked him to make a couple of extra keys. I gave one to my wife straight away.

That reminded me of an accident that happened to me last year. For the first time ever, I was not wearing my hiking shoes walking up a mountain. I slipped and broke my ankle.

I realized then that these two incidents in my life were part of a wider pattern.

The real mistake was not that I forgot something. I had changed a routine I had, without putting a new safeguard in place.

A mistake of that kind can be small and annoying, as it was with the garage door. But it can also be much more serious.

Pilots know a lot about mistakes of this kind. In 1987, Northwest Airlines Flight 255 crashed shortly after takeoff in Detroit, in the United States. The National Transportation Safety Board, or NTSB, found that the aircraft took off without the wing flaps being properly set for takeoff. The problem? The crew had not completed the pre-takeoff checklist, and the warning system did not alert them that the plane was not properly configured. The crew failed to carry out an important task, and the warning system failed too.

The World Health Organization, or WHO, studied the use of a simple surgical safety checklist in hospitals in eight cities around the world. The number of major complications fell from 11 percent to 7 percent. The number of patients who died after major operations fell from 1.5 percent to 0.8 percent. It was not that surgeons did not know how to operate. But even skilled people can leave out basic steps when they are interrupted. In many cases, checklists can help avoid mistakes like this. Airlines and hospitals use checklists widely, not only for normal procedures, but also when unusual situations arise. The list itself is not enough, however. It has to be woven into the process. In high-risk situations, that may involve technology, warning systems, and another person confirming the important steps.

I now have my own checklists, for travel and walking, for example. It only takes a minute to go through my checklist, and it helps me avoid mistakes of that kind.

As for the garage door, the solution is now in place. Spare keys are no longer kept in the garage. My wife always has one. Our son too. I now make sure I have my keys any time I leave the car, the house, or the garage.

When I make mistakes like this, the most important thing is to put something in place so they are less likely to happen again.

It is said that the lesson repeats until the student has learned it. I hope I have learned the lesson well from these two recent incidents, and that I will be able to avoid mistakes of this kind from now on.

 

Dírbheathaisnéis 15 – Ag Trasnú Dhroichead na nAlt

Autobiography 15 -Crossing the Rubicon

A few weeks ago, I wrote about the year when I thought I had come of age. I was fifteen years old and a boarding student at St Kieran’s College, still under the care of the priests.

In that story, I wrote that I asked a girl to do a slow dance with me and that she agreed. Father O’Toole put an abrupt stop to that, saying I had broken the distance rules while dancing. I also saw him dragging another boy from the dance floor because his hair was too long. Later, as a small act of rebellion, I let my own hair grow a little.

That same summer, I attended French classes in town, got a job in a local hotel, and saved enough money to buy my first electric guitar. I also began going to dances in town, where there were no priests to be seen at the edge of the floor watching us. I thought I had crossed the line into the world of adults.

Until I went to Dublin, at any rate.

Before I talk about Dublin, however, I have something to confess here.

I told you about my first dance when I was fifteen years old.

It was a lie.

It was not me who got a tap on the shoulder from Father O’Toole that night. It was one of my friends. I saw it happening. I remember the priest’s face, the girl taking a step back, and the shame of the whole thing. I remember wishing that I myself had the courage to do the same thing.

But I had no courage then.

No courage at all.

My first dance came later, when I was sixteen years old and a day student. And it did not happen as you might think.

I found a bottle of brandy at home in my father’s wardrobe. Dad kept it for special occasions, mostly Uncle John’s visits. The two of them would sit by the fire, each with a small glass of brandy, and talk about the old days.

I found another use for it.

Before a dance, I would pour myself a good glass, drink it quickly, and then fill the bottle back up again with water. I hoped my father would not notice it.

The alcohol would not hit me quickly. I would be inside the dance hall before it began to work on me. Then my shyness would disappear. I could talk. I could smile. I could dance.

I was sixteen years old when I danced with a girl for the first time.

I was drunk.

I have little memory of it now, apart from a few blurred flashes of us on the dance floor. I do not even remember who the girl was.

One night before a dance, a friend of mine came up with an idea that we thought was excellent. He knew where we could get vodka. He had a simple plan. We would have a few drinks beforehand to get ourselves right for the dance.

I did not let on that I was already put right, and I agreed at once.

We hid in the shadow of a doorway on Chapel Lane. We felt daring and grown up. We had the bottle. We had no glasses, no mixers, and no sense. We drank straight from the bottle, quickly and hard.

I drank more than my friend. Much more.

At first, we were fine. Then brave. Then invincible.

After that, nothing.

I do not know what happened to my friend that night. I have no memory of leaving Chapel Lane. I have no memory of going home. The next thing I remember, I was waking in my own bed the following day, so sick that I could not lift my head.

I was sick for three days.

Nowadays, they would say it was alcohol poisoning. At the time, there was nothing to do but suffer. I lay there sweating, retching, and cursing everything that had happened. There was a foul taste in my mouth. My stomach turned at the smell of food. The light hurt my eyes.

To this day, I do not know who found me or who made the phone call that brought me home.

At last, when I was ready to face my parents, they asked me what had happened. I told them the truth. I had drunk vodka with a friend to get the courage to go dancing.

I thought they would keep me at home for the rest of my life. Instead, they let it pass. They must have thought I had already received my punishment.

St Kieran’s College gave generations of priests to the wider world, and some of the best hurlers in the country as well. But it did not prepare boys like me for dance halls, drink, girls, or the confusion that comes with growing up.

The only thing I knew for certain, as I lay in bed recovering after that night on Chapel Lane, was that something had changed in me forever. I was in a place I had never been before.

I had crossed the Rubicon.

Then came Dublin.

 

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